切尼复旦演讲稿哪些部分被删?

中国官方媒体《人民日报》在[人民网]上以中文版发表美国副总统切尼4月15号在复旦大学的演讲以及对学生提问的回答。这篇演讲及问答的中文翻译稿标有"全文"二字。但是这个所谓"全文"与白宫发表的切尼的演讲及回答原文有出入。中国媒体删去了切尼讲话中的若干语句和段落。本台记者杨家岱在以下报道中对删去部分作了翻译。切尼讲话的原文附在该报道之后,被删去的语句和段落加有注解。

中国媒体对切尼副总统在复旦大学的演讲的语句和段落所作删节,与中国官方历来的宣传口径相吻合,所以这些删节难以用翻译的漏译或编辑的疏忽加以解释。现在我们把这些删节中比较要紧的地方一一找出来,以正视听。

切尼有关他首次访华时中国的形势的两句话被删去了,这两句话是:"当时毛泽东还在掌权,人们仍能感觉到文化大革命的余震。当时存在改革的希望,但是人们总的来说只能把这些希望藏在心里。"

演讲中被删除的语句还包括:

切尼赞扬中国经济发展时所说的“中国经济上的成功也是在更进一步融入世界经济的过程中取得的”这句话;

切尼在谈到各国有责任降低贸易壁垒、保护知识产权、保持灵活的、由市场推动的汇率之后所说的“在这些至关重要的问题,我们正在共同工作”这句话;

切尼在谈到亚洲的经济繁荣和民主之间的关系时所说“在整个亚洲,蒸蒸日上的繁荣和不断扩大的政治民主是并驾齐驱的”一句中“不断扩大的政治民主”一语;

切尼所说的“对自由的渴望具有普遍性”这句话;

切尼在谈到朝鲜核问题时所说“平壤政权不负责任和贯于欺骗的历史”这个用语;

切尼谈到给中东人民提供更多选择时有关防止“暴政和腐败政府”的话;

以及切尼所说要避免让中东人民“成为豢养和支持恐怖的专制政权的受害者”一语。

切尼在回答学生提问时谈到美国的中国政策时,两次表示美国“支持一个中国的原则,这个原则基于中美三个联合公报和台湾关系法”;中国媒体在这两处都删去了"台湾关系法"这个用语。切尼有关"台湾关系法"所说的一段话则被全部删除;这段话是:"台湾关系法是指导美国政策的一项立 ǎ晃颐堑牧⒊∈牵?根据这个法案,我们有义务在必要情况下,为台湾提供保卫自己的能力,我们是通过时而向台湾出售军事装备来履行我们这个义务的??

切尼在谈到伊拉克应当建立一个什么样的政府时,"政府"前面的“广泛代表人民而不是对邻国构成威胁的”这个修饰语被删去。

中国官方媒体对切尼副总统的演讲删节最多的,是关于朝鲜和利比亚的那部分。现在将中国官方媒体所删去的段落全部直译如下。切尼在演讲中说:"我们之所以担心,是因为朝鲜1994年也曾经签过协议,表示要放弃研制核武器的计划,但是后来违背了这个协议。我们现在知道,他们之所以 ケ承?议,是因为他们开发了一个使用浓缩釉制造核武器的秘密项目??

"你们也许能想起来,伊拉克战争开始之后,利比亚的卡扎菲上校决定放弃研制核武器的努力、放弃一切材料、图纸、设备等等,还把用来制造核武器的釉交给了美国。"

"卡扎菲先生是从巴基斯坦核科学家卡迪尔.汗那里获得制造核武器的技术和图纸的。我们现在知道,这个科学家也向朝鲜提供过类似能力。所以我们有把握说朝鲜人的确拥有一个用浓缩釉制造核武器的项目。"

"我们担心,鉴于朝鲜过去的所作所为,鉴于我们所估计的它所拥有的核能力,朝鲜很可能会将这种技术提供给别人,甚至可能提供给恐怖组织。我们知道,这个世界上有一些象基地组织那样的恐怖组织谋求获得这些武器。我们必须遏止这种扩散,以免让我们的国家遭受威胁。"

关于朝鲜核问题的演讲还有这样一段话:"朝鲜的经济这样糟糕,他们明显需要外界的援助;如果他们哪怕只是想在这个世界上生存下去,如果他们想与我们保持正常关系,他们必须懂得,在这个地区没有人希望他们发展核武器。" 这段话只译了最后的"他们必须懂得在这个地区没有人希望他们发展核武器"这半句话。

中国官方媒体对切尼演讲的翻译还有一些不够准确之处;举个例子,它把应当翻译成"无赖国家和恐怖分子"的短语翻成了"无赖和恐怖分子",中心词"国家"不见了。

以上是自由亚洲电台记者杨家岱的报道。

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THE WHITE HOUSEOffice of the Vice President(Shanghai, China)April 15, 2004

REMARKS BY THE VICE PRESIDENT AT FUDAN UNIVERSITYFOLLOWED BY STUDENT BODY Q&A

Fudan UniversityShanghai, China

10:36 A.M. (Local)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Mayor Han, I appreciate the kindwords of introduction. And we're delighted to be here today. My wife and Iare privileged to have the opportunity once again to travel in China. Weare grateful for the welcome we have received, especially for the kind ofreception here at Fudan University. We thank you for the honor, and webring you good wishes from President George W. Bush and the people of theUnited States.

I know that many of you will soon graduate from this great university. I amtold the standards are extremely demanding here, and a degree from FudanUniversity signifies years of hard work and discipline. I congratulate eachone of you on your achievement, and I commend your teachers for upholdingthe tradition of excellence that marks the 99-year history of FudanUniversity.

I hardly need to tell you that you are beginning careers in a nationremarkably different from just a generation ago. My first glimpse of Chinacame in 1975, when I traveled to Beijing with President Gerald Ford andSecretary of State Henry Kissinger. That was only three years afterPresident Richard Nixon had paid his historic visit to your country. (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: MaoZedong still held power. The aftershocks of the Cultural Revolution werestill being felt. There were some hopes of reform, but people largely keptthose hopes to themselves.)

Those were the latter years of a difficult era for the people of China.When America and China set out to restore diplomatic relations, it was inpart because we perceived a common challenge in the Soviet Union. YetAmerica's leaders understood something else, as well. They knew that inChina, beneath the harsh conformity of that era, lay the diversity and theboundless energy of a great people. In the decades since, as more freedomand opportunity have come to this land, you have only begun to show theworld the creativity and enterprise of your country.

Each of you is a witness to that potential, in what you have learned andachieved here, and in your own hopes for the future. Twenty years ago,almost to the day, President Ronald Reagan spoke at this university andexpressed the essence of economic and political freedom. It is based, hesaid, on a belief "in the dignity of each man, woman, and child." Freeinstitutions, he said, reflect, "an appreciation of the special genius ofeach individual, and of his special right to make his own decisions and leadhis own life."

Compared to President Nixon's, or even President Reagan's day, many Chinesecitizens are now freer to make their own way in life -- to choose careers,to acquire property, and to travel. And across this land are many millionsof young people just like you, with their own abilities and their ownexpectations of a better life for themselves, their families and theircountry.

On the path of reform that began a quarter-century ago, the Chinese peoplehave made great strides. Over the past twenty-five years, China's rapid andsustained economic growth has lifted the living standards of many citizensand raised China into the ranks of the world's largest economies. You havereduced poverty, and in recent years, have consistently reported higheconomic growth rates. This dramatic economic progress shows what ispossible when governments leave more decision-making power in the hands ofprivate enterprises and individuals. Above all, it is a tribute to theChinese citizens whose talents and daily efforts are making this a vibrantmodern economy.

(ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: China's economic success has also come about through far greater integrationinto the world economy. ) In the last two decades, your country has emergedas a major exporter of all kinds of manufactured goods, from heavymachinery, to computers, to toys. China has gained enormously from accessto foreign markets. Its development has also been fed by vast inflows ofinvestment capital -- over 50 billion dollars last year alone -- and byimports of foreign technology, and the ever-increasing quantities of energyand raw materials necessary to sustain growth.

Today over five percent of all trade conducted in the world -- some 850billion dollars -- is accounted for by China alone. And China's two-waytrade with the United States has grown seven-fold in just the last 12 years.

Continued economic progress will require careful stewardship. As your newgeneration of leaders knows, rapid growth can lead to social and economicchallenges at home. And as China gains in economic strength, it also takeson new responsibilities for keeping the global economy in balance. As yourleaders and I discussed, in this interdependent world, nations have aresponsibility to lower barriers to imports, to protect intellectualproperty rights, and to maintain flexible, market-driven exchange rates. (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: Weare working together on these vital issues.)

China's progress is part of a much wider story. So many of the greatnations of Asia began the 20th Century ruled by colonial powers, or bydynasty, or bitterly divided by civil strife. And throughout that century,ideologies of violence and malice took hold in Asia, as they did in Europe,and caused terrible harm and grief. Now the people of Asia are writing adifferent chapter. Great nations in this region have entered the 21stcentury as independent peoples, growing in prosperity and (ed. The following word is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这个字被删: individual )freedom. The dramatic changes in Asia -- from Beijing to Tokyo, from Seoulto Singapore -- have removed many old sources of conflict, and liftedmillions of lives.

In the past half century, Asia has been transformed from a war-torn andimpoverished region into the world's biggest and fastest-growing center forthe creation of wealth and knowledge. Throughout this region, one nationafter another has enjoyed the benefits of greater prosperity. But notprosperity alone. Across Asia, rising prosperity and have gone hand in hand. When people have the liberty to manage their own lives and to enjoy the fruits of their labors, they work hard andcontribute more to the well-being of their societies. And when theyexperience the benefits of economic liberty, they desire greater freedom inexpressing their views and choosing their leaders.

Freedom is not divisible. If people can be trusted to invest and managematerial assets, they will eventually ask why they cannot be trusted withdecisions over what to say and what to believe. The insights that fosterscientific discovery are not suddenly lost when the topic turns to society'sills. Prosperous societies also come to understand that clothing, cars, andcell phones do not enrich the soul. Economic growth is important inallowing individuals to lead lives of comfort and dignity, but materialgoods alone cannot satisfy the deepest yearnings of the human heart; thatcan only come with full freedom of religion, speech, assembly, andconscience. And that lesson, too, is part of Asia's legacy in this last 50years.

(ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: The desire for freedom is universal;) it is not unique to one country, orculture, or region. And it is something that successful societies, and wiseleaders, have learned to embrace rather than fear.

The United States of America welcomes the great progress of your country, aswe welcome the continued expansion of economic and political freedom acrossAsia. As a Pacific nation, we benefit, as you do, from trade across theocean and from the growing vitality of this region. And as a permanentpresence here, America, like China, has a vital national interest instability, and in peaceful relations among Asian peoples.

Yet today we know that the peace and stability that all civilized nationsseek are under threat, as new and grave dangers continue to gather. Innations around the globe, terror networks have plotted against civilizedpeople, and have grown bolder in their destructive ambitions. And in thisage of rapid technological advance, we face the prospect that deadly weaponsmight fall into the hands of terrorists. The ultimate threat is that theseproblems -- terrorism and proliferation -- may one day come together in asudden, catastrophic attack by terrorists armed with chemical, biological,or nuclear weapons.

The spread of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destructionare a direct challenge to every nation that seeks to build a more open,stable, and prosperous world. For that reason, our countries have beenworking closely to overcome both of these threats. Since my country wasattacked on September 11th, 2001, the United States and China have workedtogether to apprehend terrorists and to prevent them from killing moreinnocent people. The recent kidnapping in Iraq of citizens of severalcountries, including China, speaks to the dangers we all face. Today we aresharing information and working together to strengthen the U.N.'scounterterror capability and on a vital container security initiative toprotect ships and ports. As we deepen our cooperation, however, we mustalso be mindful of the rights of the innocent. The war on terror must neverbe used as an excuse for silencing legitimate dissent and expressions ofopinion.

China is also accepting its responsibilities to join in stopping the spreadof weapons of mass destruction. The peoples of Asia are particularlyvulnerable to the dangers of proliferation. Many countries that have themeans to develop the deadliest weapons have refrained from doing so. Yet ifgovernments perceive unchecked proliferation in the region, they might feelcompelled to choose a very different course. And that could only heightenthe dangers to this region and the likelihood that one day those terribleweapons would be used.

The dangers of proliferation have not always been fully appreciated. In thepast, the technologies that permit the development of sophisticated weaponsand delivery systems were sometimes exported without much thought to thelong-term consequences. The United States was therefore very pleased to seeChina declare new restrictions on the movement of those technologies. It isnow essential that those restrictions be vigorously enforced.

President Bush and the American people are also greatly encouraged by theChinese government's decision to take a leading role in the efforts of theinternational community to persuade North Korea to completely, verifiably,and irreversibly dismantle its nuclear programs. We must see thisundertaking through to its conclusion. (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:Because of the Pyongyang's regimepast history of irresponsibility and deceit, ) the removal of all of itsnuclear capabilities is absolutely essential to the peace and stability ofNortheast Asia, and the world.

Controlling the spread of terrible weapons is one of the most urgentpriorities of our new century. We have no alternative but to act with allthe diligence, and more, of (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:the rogue states and ) terrorists who wish toacquire such weapons for the threat they (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: to innocent people. ) That isthe course we are on -- and the course we must maintain far into the future.

Confronting and finally defeating the danger of terrorism will also be along and difficult struggle. That's why my country, in consultations withother nations, is committed to pursuing what President Bush has called aforward strategy for freedom in the Greater Middle East. Some nations inthe Middle East have had great wealth, or possess the resources that canbring such wealth. But national wealth alone is not enough. To fully andfinally overcome the evil of terrorism, we must set before people of thisregion an alternative (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:to tyranny and corrupt government that has for so longheld all too many back.) And that alternative is found in economic freedom,equality under the law, (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:individual liberties, ) and the right to choose and change one's government.

The Greater Middle East initiative supports those across the region who areworking for freedom. And we are beginning to see signs of significantprogress. In Jordan, elections have been held and the government is takingsteps to reduce state control of the press. In Bahrain, elections were heldlast year. In Egypt, the ruling National Democratic Party has called forincreased economic reform and expanded political participation. In SaudiArabia, the Crown Prince has issued a reform charter and called for theholding of municipal elections. Today, with the help of the internationalcommunity, and after decades of oppression, the people of Afghanistan andIraq are preparing to choose their own leaders in free, competitive nationalelections.

We welcome China's contributions to reconstruction efforts in these lands,so that their people may live in security and freedom, never again(ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: victimized by despotic regimes that breed or support terror.)

While democratic processes are sometimes untidy and unpredictable -- as anyclose observer of American politics can attest -- they permit the peacefulexpression of diverse views, protect the rights of the individual, check theability of the state to abuse its power, and encourage the kind of debateand compromise that leads to lasting stability. And this much is certain:free societies do not breed the anger and radicalism that drag down wholenations.

Where young people have the opportunity to choose their own leaders, tobuild a better life for themselves and their children, and the right toguide their own destinies; peace, justice and prosperity will follow.Freedom has a power all its own, requiring no propaganda to find recruits,no indoctrination to keep its believers in line.

We hear it said by skeptics that the greater Middle East is a hopeless causefor democratic values -- that the peoples of that region are somehow justnot suited for self-government, and that they are doomed to live in miseryand oppression. Those of you who have studied history will find that thisdismissive attitude has a familiar ring. Not so long ago, the very samethings were said about the people of Asia. Yet today the world looks toAsia as a showcase of the possibilities of human enterprise and creativity.Across this region we see entire nations raising themselves up from povertyin the space of little more than a generation, building strong, moderneconomies, and becoming stable, peaceful, and open societies of freepeoples, governed under laws set by representatives chosen in freeelections.

Today China too is embarked on a great journey. As your country grows inregional and global influence and responsibility, your strength and yourpotential rests with your people.

My wish for each of you is for a life in a nation that grows in success, ingreatness, and in liberty. I thank you for your kind attention thismorning, and now I'd be pleased to take your questions. (Applause.)

MODERATOR: Thank you, Mr. Vice President. Mr. Vice President, the firstquestion will come from the left side of the auditorium, then we'llalternate right to left.

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Good morning.

Q: I am a PhD candidate of international relations. My friends and Ibelieve that China's peaceful right is beneficial to the peace andprosperity of the world. Some American people, however, regard China as athreat. Could you please give you comments on these -- opinions? Whatimpressed you most during your visit in China? Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: The people of the United States have been tremendouslyimpressed with all that has been achieved in China in recent decades. Thereclearly was a time in our history 50 years when we were adversaries, when wefought against each other in the war in Korea, when I think we viewed oneanother as a significant threat. I think that's changed.

And today given the common interest we have in trying to promote peace andprosperity in this part of the world, we work together on a great manyissues that are to the benefit of the peoples of both nations. There's noquestion but what we still have differences, places where we disagree overvarious issues. But my conversations yesterday with your leaders inBeijing, I think it would be fair to say we agreed that the areas ofagreement are far greater than those areas where we disagree, and that thereare no problems there that can't be resolved given sufficient efforts andgoodwill and adequate time on both sides. Working together, especially inthe economic arena, has been beneficial to the peoples of both countries.And with the right kind of leadership there's no reason why we shouldperceive each as threats in the future. (Applause.)

Q: Morning, Mr. Vice President. I'm a major of international politics,honored to have such a chance to raise my question to you. We Chinese areconcerned about reunification of our country, but sorry to see someperformances of the United States over the years, such as arms sales toTaiwan. So my question is, what actions will the United States take tohonor the commitment of one-China policy and no support [ed. changed to “oppose”] of Taiwanindependence? Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: The policy of the United States on the issue of Taiwanhas been consistent for some considerable period of time now, and has beenstated by President Bush. We support the principle of one China based uponthe three communiques, (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:and the Taiwan Relations Act.) We think that it'simportant for discussions and dialogue to go forward between Beijing andTaipei, that if any changes are to occur with respect to the current thecircumstances in the strait, it should be through negotiation. We opposeunilateral efforts on either side to try to alter the current set ofcircumstances.

(ed. The following paragraph is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这一段落被删:And our position with respect to the Taiwan Relations Act, the piece oflegislation that governs our policy in the United States, is that we areobligated under that act to provide Taiwan with the capacity to defendherself, should that be necessary. And we do that through the process ofselling them military equipment from time to time.)

(ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:But overall, we do, in fact, support the principle of one China, as I say,as informed by the three communiques and the Taiwan Relations Act.(Applause.) )

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a second-year graduate studentfrom the school of journalism. Today, it is a great honor for me to witnessthis great occasion. My question is, it is said that you are the mostpowerful Vice President in U.S. history. Can you tell us how you play arole in the Bush administration? Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Well, that's not a question I had anticipated. The roleof the Vice President has evolved over the years. When our Constitution waswritten in Philadelphia at our Constitutional Convention, they created theposition of Vice President. But when they got to the end of the convention,they decided that they hadn't given him anything to do. He had no work. Sothey made him the President of the Senate, that is the presiding officerover our upper house of our Congress and gave him the ability to casttie-breaking votes. When the Senate is deadlocked 50-50, then I get to castthe tie-breaking vote.

For the first 150 years of our history, the Vice President had virtually norole in the executive branch with the President. He was simply there totake over if something happened to the President, but he didn't have anyday-to-day responsibilities. That changed during the Eisenhoweradministration over 50 years ago, when for the first time, the VicePresident was given an office in the executive branch. And since then theresponsibilities have gradually increased.

The amount of influence you have, or authority, if you want to put it inthose terms, is based strictly upon your relationship with the President.When President Bush asked me to become his Vice President, he indicated thatit was because he wanted me to be part of his team to help govern, thatbecause of my background, having been a chief of staff for President Ford, aSecretary of Defense for former President Bush, a member of Congress, thathe felt I brought certain experiences that would be useful to him incarrying out his responsibilities as President. And we've had a very closeworking relationship ever since.

But as I say, any influence I have strictly comes in terms of my ability tooffer advice. I'm not in charge of any department or agency. And I alsowork closely with members of Congress because I still do preside over theSenate and spend a lot of time on Capitol Hill, as well, working to getcongressional approval of our legislative programs. So it's circumstance.

I've seen other arrangements where the relationship between the Presidentand the Vice President wasn't close, and the Vice President basically hadlittle to do except ceremonial functions and frequently attend funerals.(Laughter.) So I've been fortunate.

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a student from the school ofjournalism, and it's my honor to be here to raise questions of you. And myquestion is about the Iraq issue. As you know, we want to see the peacefullife that the Iraqi people live and live by themselves. But you can seethese days many conflicts happens every day and everywhere in Iraq. Thecasualties of both citizens and soldiers are increasing. My question is,what do you think the role of the United Nations should take during thisperiod? And we know that on June the 30th, the American people willtransfer the region to the Iraqi people. And what's your opinion, do youthink then the situation there will be out of control? Thank you.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: The situation with respect to the United Nations inIraq has been at present that Mr. Brahimi, who is the representative of theSecretary General, has been there now for a couple of weeks working activelywith our officials, as well as Iraqis, to develop the concept of an interimgovernment that will take over on June 30th, and then be responsible forgoverning the country until elections can be held early next year. Theirresponsibility would last six or seven months. But as I say, Mr. Brahimi,of the United Nations, has been a major participant in developing that plan.

We're eager to have the United Nations involved. I would expect goingforward, as a constitution is written and elections are held in Iraq, thatthe United Nations would play a significant role in terms of providingtechnical advice and support for those endeavors. The U.N., of course,originally went into Iraq and had a significant presence there until theattack on its headquarters. And then they pulled out primarily because theywere concerned about the security threat to their personnel.

But the United States stands ready to work closely with the United Nationsgoing forward. As I said, we've been pleased with Mr. Brahimi's role, andwe're eager to support active U.N. participation in the process of standingup a government of Iraq that's democratic, (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: but broadly representative of itspeople, and not a threat to its neighbors.)

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am from the school of management.Thank you for the speech. My question is related to business and trade. Aswe all know, the rapid growth of Sino-U.S. trade benefits both America andChina. However, since last year, we have witnessed more and more tradefrictions between our two countries. Our government hopes to solve theproblem through dialogue and negotiations. So my question is, in youropinion, what is the prospect of trade relations between our two countries?And do you think that the U.S. presidential campaign will further aggravatethe dispute with China? Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: There are a number of points of friction, as you say,between our two countries on trading questions. I don't find thatsurprising given how extensive the relationship has become. China has nowbecome our third largest trading partner in the world. The amount ofcommerce back and forth between our two nations is by our estimate $180billion a year. We buy a vast quantity of good manufactured here in China,shipped to the United States. We sell you goods and products andagricultural products, as well. Right now, the balance is very much in yourfavor -- that is you sell more to us than you buy from us. We think thatwill change over time as your market opens up more and more as you implementthe agreements under the WTO. We think that's appropriate.

The areas where we have work to do fall in the area, for example, ofintellectual property rights. And some of the other areas where there arestandards that have been applied by your government that we believe unfairlypenalize or discriminate against U.S. products. These are normal kinds ofissues to have between trading nations.

We have a plan next week I believe -- there will be a delegation from yourgovernment traveling to Washington for something called the JCCT. It's ajoint commission to address issues of trade. And that's the way for us todeal with those issues. But I don't find it surprising that there'sfriction. I think that's simply a reflection of the fact that the economicrelationship has become so close, and there's such a high volume of tradeback and forth on both sides.

Let me also -- on the question the young lady asked earlier about Taiwan, itoccurs to me that I didn't completely answer the question. There's one itemshe mentioned that I need to be clear on. And she asked me specificallyabout the question of Taiwan independence. And the position of the UnitedStates has been and continues to be that we do not support Taiwanindependence. That's -- I'll restate again our posture is that we --(applause) -- we support the one China based on the three communiques, (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:andthe Taiwan Relations Act,) and we're opposed to unilateral efforts on eitherside of the strait to change that relationship.

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I'm from journalism department. It'smy great honor to raise a question here. We know that the presidentialcampaign this year is a competition between two Yale graduates. In youropinion, what's the key factor to win the election? And there are more andmore Americans living and working in China. So what will you do to wintheir support? Thank you.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: The reason I pause is because I attended Yale, as well,as the President, and Senator Kerry. But I did not graduate. (Laughter.)And I thought you were going to ask me about that.

We're eager to work with American citizens overseas. There are -- both,here in Asia, and as well, in Europe -- organizations. In my party, I'm aRepublican, we have an organization called Republicans Abroad. And that'swhere American citizens who get to vote in the United States by absenteeballot have clubs and organizations and host speakers, sometimes raise moneyto support the candidates of their choice. So we welcome the participationof American voters, wherever they may live, in the election.

And you may remember in the last election, a very, very close election thatwas decided by just 537 votes in Florida, probably the closest presidentialelection in our history. That probably turned, as much as anything, onabsentee ballots, on votes cast by citizens of Florida who were abroad atthe time either serving in the military, or in some other capacity. And ifthey had not voted, the outcome of the election might have been verydifferent. So those votes of Americans living overseas are very important.(Applause.)

Q: Your honor, Vice President, thank you for your speech. I am a graduatestudent majoring in international relations. My question is simple -- myclassmates and I are concerned about the Korean nuclear issue. My questionis very simple: Do you think the problem could be solved peacefully? Andwhat role do you think the United States should play to push the six-partytalks forward? Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: We believe the North Korean development and efforts toacquire nuclear capability is one of the most serious problems in the regiontoday. It was a subject that I discussed with President Hu Jintao, andChairman Jiang Zemin, Premier Wen, and Vice President Zeng in Beijing. (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:Ourconcern is that North Korea has in the past entered into agreements to giveup its aspirations to acquire nuclear weapons in 1994 and then subsequentlyviolated that agreement. We know they violated that agreement because wenow know that they developed a secret program to build nuclear weapons usinghighly enriched uranium.)

(ed. The following paragraph is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这一段落被删:And one of the things we've learned in recent months -- you may recall thatafter we began our operations in Iraq, that Colonel Ghadafi, in Libya,decided to give up his effort to develop nuclear weapons, and all of thatmaterial, all the designs, all the equipment and so forth, uranium that hehad acquired for that purpose has now been turned over to the United States.)

(ed. The following paragraph is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这一段落被删:Mr. Ghadafi and the Libyans acquired their technical expertise, weaponsdesign and so forth from Mr. A.Q. Khan, Pakistan. And we now know that Mr.Khan also provided similar capabilities to the North Koreans. So we'reconfident that the North Koreans do, in fact, have a program to enrichuranium to produce nuclear weapons.)

We think the way to resolve this matter, to achieve the objective that Chinabelieves in, and we believe in, which is to have a nuclear-free Koreanpeninsula is for North Korea to agree to the complete, verifiable andirreversible dismantlement of their nuclear weapons capabilities. . (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: To date,they have not yet agreed to do that. ) We are trying through the six-waytalks with the active leadership and participation of China, in hostingthose talks and participating in those talks -- together with the UnitedStates, South Korea, Japan and Russia -- to persuade the North Koreans thatthis is the proper course of action, (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删: that if they want to have normalrelations with the rest of us -- and given the sad state their economy, theyobviously need outside support. In order simply for that regime to survive, )they most understand that no one in the region wants them to develop thoseweapons.

We'll continue to work closely with China and the other members of the groupand do our level best to achieve this objective by diplomatic means, andthrough negotiations. But it is important that we make progress in thisarea. Time is not necessarily on our side. (ed. The following segment is missing in People’s Daily’s Chinese version. 这部分被删:We worry that given whatthey've done in the past, and given what we estimate to be their currentcapability, that North Korea could well, for example, provide this kind oftechnology to someone else, or possibly to, say, a terrorist organization.We know that there are terrorist organizations out there like al Qaeda thathave sought to acquire these kinds of weapons in the past. And we need tostop that proliferation so that it doesn't happen, so that our nations arenot threatened by those developments.)

Finally, of course, as I mentioned in my speech, there are nations in theregion that have the technical capacity to produce nuclear weapons who havenot done so. But if North Korea becomes a nuclear power, and has ballisticmissiles, which it does, and has the ability to threaten other nations inthe region with nuclear weapons, then those nations may conclude that theironly option is to develop their own capability. And then we'd have anuclear arms unleashed in Asia, and that's not in anybody's interest. So wehope we can be successful through diplomacy at achieving our objective. Butit is vitally important that we achieve this objective. (Applause.)

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I'm majoring in political science.It's my great honor to meet you here. My question is, I have learned thatthe Blue Ridge of the U.S.'s Seventh Fleet visited Shanghai last month. Asa former secretary of the defense department of the United States, what doyou think of the communications between the Chinese and the U.S. militaries?Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: I think it's important to have exchanges back and forthbetween our militaries. I think we can learn from one another. I thinkthose kinds of communications are very positive in terms of building therelationship, also in terms of enhancing understanding and reducing thepossibility of miscalculation in the future. So I wholeheartedly supportthose kinds of exchanges. I think they're a very positive contribution tothe relationship between the U.S. and China.

MODERATOR: Mr. Vice President, this will be our last question.

Q: Good morning, Mr. Vice President. I am a junior student from the schoolof international relations and public affairs. I learned from the websiteof the White House that you have two daughters and three granddaughters. Doyou often get together with them? Would you suggest them learning Chinese?(Laughter.) We Chinese students are eager to communicate with theyoungsters in the U.S. So do you have any suggestions for the younggeneration in our two countries? And in addition, in the next year, we willhave the 100th anniversary celebration of Fudan University. So do you haveanything special to say to us here? Thank you. (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT: My wife is over here looking to see what I'm going tosay. (Laughter.) Well, I do have two daughters and three granddaughters.And we're about to have a fourth grandchild come June, and we're told it'sgoing to be a boy. (Applause.) As a matter of fact, this will be the firsttime in about 60 years there's been a boy born in our family. (Laughter.)So he's going to have a difficult time, I'm sure, growing up, surrounded byall those women.

But I think it's very, very important that we do everything we can toencourage exchanges and Americans living and working in China, and Chineseliving and working in America. Our Ambassador, Sandy Randt, who is with metoday studied Chinese as a young man, lived in Hong Kong for many years, ofcourse, is serving now as Ambassador to China. I've got people working forme on my staff who spent years in China, growing up here, or have studiedhere, as well. Those kinds of exchanges are very important. There are agreat many Chinese students in U.S. universities. And that can only benefitboth countries long-term. I think it's something to be encouraged everychance we get, and I certainly would want to do everything I could.

With respect to the hundredth anniversary of Fudan, University, that's avery significant development -- 2005. It's obviously become a veryimportant university. I know from looking at the history of it a bit, Iremember when President Reagan came 20 years ago to speak. And given yourlocation in Shanghai, and it's, I think, one of the finest universities inthis part of the world. You're able to attract an outstanding student body.Obviously, nothing but outstanding students here today, and we want to wishyou the very best and congratulate you on achieving that milestone of ahundred years, and wish you great success for the next hundred years, aswell, too. Thank you very much.

(Applause.)

(end transcript)